Journal of Liberal Thought, 1st Issue Introduction

It is evident that the most significant development in our nation over the past decade or so is the substantial increase in the number of opinion and research journals. In contemporary Türkiye, there are journals where intellectuals from diverse worldviews can evaluate their scholarly work, and the number of reputable journals is in the tens. These journals encompass a diverse spectrum of intellectual orientations, ranging from those that aspire to foster and deliberate a particular conception of humanity and society, to those that serve as platforms for the dissemination of scientific and intellectual contributions from diverse ideological backgrounds. It is indisputable that this proliferation of journals signifies a profound development for our nation.

The present journal, “Liberal Thought”, aims to contribute to this landscape by offering a liberal perspective on social and political issues in Türkiye. The necessity for such a journal is evident, as the title suggests, and the primary objective is to promote the development of liberal thought in Türkiye. However, the intention is not to make original contributions to liberal social and political philosophy in a universal sense. As a journal of ideas and research, the objective of Liberal Thought is more modest; rather, the ambition is to introduce and discuss liberalism as a social and political theory and to propose solutions to Türkiye’s major problems from a liberal perspective.If successful, it is anticipated that this will be a contribution in the Turkish context, if not in the universal sense. While there has been intermittent publication of articles on liberal theory in Türkiye, including a significant proportion contributed by the editorial staff of this journal, there has not yet been a dedicated publication specifically focused on this doctrine. Indeed, the emergence of scientific and intellectual writings on liberalism within opinion and research journals in Türkiye is a relatively recent development.

It is perhaps unsurprising that for a considerable period of time, liberalism did not garner the attention of intellectuals in Türkiye, a phenomenon that is not exclusive to Türkiye. Indeed, the trajectory of liberal ideas in Western democracies during the same period exhibited a similar pattern. The emergence of discourse on liberalism in Türkiye can be attributed to the resurgence of this intellectual and policy tradition in the Western world over the past twenty-five years. Consequently, it is imperative to briefly examine the universal trajectory of liberalism.

Liberalism, as is widely recognised, emerged as the first significant social philosophy of the modern era in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.Systematised at the intellectual level by the prominent thinkers of the English Enlightenment tradition, notably John Locke, David Hume and Adam Smith, it gained prominence in the late eighteenth century and became the dominant doctrine in the nineteenth century.Liberalism also exerted a profound influence on politics. However, during the first half of the nineteenth century, the increasing influence of utilitarianism and socialism, both in the realm of ideas and in the social sphere, led to a waning of liberal appeal.Consequently, certain liberal-leaning social and political thinkers began to reformulate liberalism “according to socialism”. This transformation gave rise to a distinctive form of social liberalism, which came to be known as “new liberalism” and was spearheaded by prominent intellectuals such as T. H. Green and Leonard Hobhouse. This new ideological direction emerged towards the close of the nineteenth century.

This tendency, which represented a clear departure from classical liberalism, grew stronger after the First World War and declared its dominance after the Second World War. In the words of N. P. Barry, the intellectual and practical consensus of this period centred around collectivism and “social democracy”.The social and political philosophy that prevailed on the world stage during this period virtually eliminated the individual human being and his or her freedom as a value. The prevailing ideological discourses, which exerted a strong appeal on the masses, were rooted in collectivist and coercive-solidarist ideas. Rather than emphasising the individual, there was a shift towards glorifying totalities such as classes, nations and communities. These totalities were perceived as being beyond the control of the individuals who constituted them, and the value of individuals in the face of such collectivities was almost negligible. In lieu of an ethic of voluntary assumption of responsibility, the dissemination of duties based on social and political imposition was presented as a model of a virtuous political society; the concept of people’s “social duties and responsibilities” was prioritised before their freedom. Whether of a conservative, socialist or utilitarian persuasion, the prevailing sentiment was that individuals should dedicate themselves to the greater good of the social order to which they belonged. The pursuit of one’s own interests and the pursuit of self-realisation were regarded as moral transgressions.

In Western Europe during the 1950s and 1960s, this rudimentary socialism and altruism led to the rise of state interventionism, which came to dominate individual initiative and freedom under the pretext of “social welfare” and “equality”. This interventionism came to be regarded as the very essence of “social ethics” and public policy. However, the consequences of the state’s control of economic life in the name of the so-called common good were not limited to this sphere; the state gradually became the master of individual-private spheres and the “benefactor” of citizens, and thus individuals became dependents and even subjects of the state. This shift in the conceptualisation of welfare signifies a diminution in the significance of individual freedoms in favour of statist paternalism. Concurrently, the notion of equality has undergone a transformation, no longer regarded as a moral and legal value, but rather as a symbol of socio-economic uniformity.

This shift, which significantly eroded not only individual liberties and distinctiveness but also ideals such as social welfare and effective, equitable state governance, began to lose its influence to some extent by the late 1960s, largely due to the intellectual efforts of persistent defenders of classical liberal doctrines, particularly Hayek.In the late 1970s and early 1980s, liberal policies began to be effective, at least in the field of public economics, in the US and the UK. In Türkiye, the late Turgut Özal implemented certain liberal economic proposals, or at least adopted a stance in favour of some of them.

It is important to acknowledge the positive impact of these developments on intellectual life and public policy debates in both the Western world and Türkiye, particularly with regard to the introduction of liberalism to the agenda. However, it should be noted that the mere inclusion of liberalism in the discourse does not suffice for those who prioritise more profound intellectual and philosophical concerns. In contemporary Türkiye, it would be both naïve and optimistic to assert that liberal doctrine is comprehended at an introductory level, even among intellectuals. Instead, it is more accurate to observe the presence of a transient trend in favour of liberalism in Türkiye, which has since declined.The establishment of Liberal Thought is driven by two primary motivations. Firstly, it is an effort to address the need among intellectuals in Türkiye for a deeper understanding and engagement with liberalism. Secondly, it aims to provide a platform for the discussion and examination of liberal proposals concerning practical policy matters.While this journal will concentrate on liberal thought, it does not assert any exclusive ownership of this subject. Consequently, while acknowledging the discourse and critiques of liberalism in other academic journals and forums, this publication will also welcome contributions that evaluate and challenge the tenets of liberal social and political thought.

The foreign appellations of the advisory board of Liberal Thought have not been included for the sake of fantasy and vanity; the members of the aforementioned board are among the most distinguished intellectuals in their respective fields. They include Nobel Prize-winning economists such as Gary Becker and James Buchanan, as well as young scholars such as Norman Barry and Victor Vanberg, who are among the most successful modern interpreters of classical liberalism. Each of these individuals is already well-known to the Society for Liberal Thought, which publishes the journal, and has voluntarily accepted the invitation to join the advisory board. They will contribute to the journal on an occasional basis, and their articles will be published in both Turkish and English. Consequently, the imprint of the journal is written in both Turkish and English.

It is hoped that, with this issue, a permanent bond and unity will be forged between Liberal Thought and its readers. The intellectual vitality of our society is contingent on the engagement and support of its readership, which is essential for the development of ideas. Liberal Thought commences its publishing journey with the aspiration that the intellectual landscape of our nation, and more specifically, the realm of liberal thought, has attained a level of sophistication and depth sufficient to sustain a publication of this nature. It is with this aspiration in mind that we present Liberal Thought to you.

Introduction, Issue: 1, Winter 1996